Jeff Hauser writes in to clarify his position and respond to my post (OTP is officially interactive!). First off, Jeff wants to make clear he does not support the 3rd misconception of the Left-Wing attack on Zionism, which denies the existance of the Sephardi plurality of Israel. He agrees with Natalie Portman on the nonsense of the race-based attack on Israel. Here's his response:
I have been aware that Jews maintained a constant presence in what is now Israel. . . But so have Mexicans in Texas, Native Americans throughout the US, Basques in the Basque Region of Spain, Muslims in Southern Phillipines, Kurds in Turkey, Serbs in Croatia, etc. . . . -- surely maintaining a population which was frequently, and perhaps generally (I do not know)below 25,000 for the past 1500 or so years doesn't suffice to prove that a minority is entitled to statehood, or should be given a preferential claim to land.
Some of these analogies are particularly inapt - there is a Mexican state, there is a Serb state, there should be a Kurdish state (if one got established in Northern Iraq, it would radically change the context of their claim inside of Turkey). The historical link in and of itself does not justify Jewish statehood in Israel. Had the Jewish population remained at its 1881 level, Hauser has a point - but it didn't. In the face of increased persecution, it more than tripled before World War I, and had reached 630,000 by 1948.
And its similarly silly to mention that British policies prevented the existence of a Jewish majority -- the
fact on the ground was that statehood was granted to a group that constituted a minority at the time of the grant -- and it was a grant, lest we forget that the UN, led by the USSR and USA, did support Israeli statehood.
First, at what point do we stop ethnic migration, and measure legitimacy at that point? Had the British not passed the White Paper - far more Jews would have settled in Palestine. Does the actual majority matter, when statehood would provide the conditions for an actual majority? Why is the facts on the ground in 1948 where legitimacy is gleaned from?
Second, the UN did not hand over all of Palestine to the Jewish minority, it agreed to a partition, creating a Jewish state in areas with a Jewish majority.
The simple fact is that due to the not unrelated mix of Zionism, English statements, and UN action, an
expectation of an Israeli state developed, such a state was created, and the fledgling state won four wars (which legally are ongoing) and established itself as an unchangable reality. The whole world, including Arabs, would best recognize that reality, a reality that is in its essentials hardly historically unprecedented. That said, it would be wrong to ignore the righteousness of the Arab argument that in 1948, the world bestowed statehood status on a minority of the population in what is now Israel
So, Israel was illegimate before 1948, but legitimate once it became "an unchangeable reality." That's a national legitimacy through force of arms argument. Under that rationale, there is no righteousness to the Arab argument. Once again, the UN declaration was wonderful, but it wasn't exactly enforced - would the UN have intervened had the Arabs won in 1948?
Hauser has legitimate questions about how far nationalism should go - and is struggling to find a coherent view that neither privileges nor discriminates againsts Jewish nationalism, but his attempt to be even-handed here doesn't cohere. The Arabs of Palestine, no less than other Arabs had a right to self-determination in 1948, as they do today. That did not require the absence of Jewish self-determination in 1948, nor does it today. Nor did or does it require there to be two Arab states in Palestine, one west of the Jordan, and one east. The creation of Israel was a net moral good, but there was a moral cost. Those made homeless in 1948 and their descendants deserve compensation for their losses, but not a reversal of the events that caused them.